By Joshua Nevett
BBC News political reporter in Bournemouth
At the epicentre of all political party conferences lies a hive of exhibition stalls thronged with smooth-talkers from the world of business and advocacy.
They’re known as lobbyists and they’re a prominent fixture of modern-day politics and all party conferences.
The relationship is a two-way street, with money, influence and policy ideas the glue that binds parties, businesses and campaigners together.
At the annual Liberal Democrat conference in Bournemouth, lobbyists have gravitated towards a party with a growing sense of optimism.
Since the last general election in 2019, the Lib Dems have been buoyed by a series of by-election wins in leafy areas traditionally dominated by the Conservatives.
If they can replicate that success across the country in the next general election, and neither Labour nor the Conservatives win a majority, the Lib Dems could be a position to hold the balance of power.
That potentially means entering a coalition government with one of the two main parties, as the Lib Dems did in 2010.
The prospect of that has whetted the appetite of more than just the Lib Dem faithful.
It’s also caught the attention of the businesses and those who work in public relations, who have sniffed out a scent of power, albeit a faint one.
Making a splash
In the conference’s exhibition hall, where businesses book stands to campaign and lobby party members, James Wallace, the CEO of River Action, is on message.
“We’re facing a freshwater emergency,” he says.
River Action is a charity that campaigns to reduce river pollution in the UK, and river pollution has become something of a trademark issue for the Lib Dems in recent years, as the party taps into the rage over sewage dumping by water companies.
If river pollution is already on the Lib Dem radar, why is Mr Wallace here, then?
James Wallace spoke about river pollution in a speech at the conference
“I want to make sure that everyone at this conference understands that we need to put the freshwater emergency as high on their list of priorities as health, education, jobs and so on,” Mr Wallace says.
Mr Wallace was even given a platform to promote his campaign in a prime-time speech at a rally on day one of the conference.
But for other lobbyists, the main event is business day on Monday.
Business time
Sponsored by corporate giants including NatWest, Moderna and SGN, it’s been described as a chance for the business community to engage with the party’s manifesto team and make recommendations at a crucial point in the election cycle.
I’m told the business day was fully booked by July.
As the first in-person conference since 2019, it’s a long-awaited chance for lobbyists to get up close and personal with the Lib Dems.
The party says the number of commercial and charity observers attending conference has increased from 354 in 2019 to 574 this year.
A Lib Dem source said: “Our exhibition hall is sold out and we have more fringes than in 2019, which was just before the general election.”
Community Windpower, a renewable energy firm, is one of those attending the conference for the first time.
Katherine Wood of Community Windpower, which launched in 2001, says “we thought it was about time to promote what we do” at the conference.
To get its message across, the company’s commercial director has been speaking to party figures with influence over the manifesto.
Sarah (L) and Catherine Wood are sisters who work for Community Windpower, a family firm
There are caveats to consider, of course. This spike in lobbyist interest should be seen in the context of the Lib Dems’ precipitous dip in popularity following its stint in coalition government with the Conservatives between 2010 and 2015.
Bruised by that coalition, the Lib Dems lost 49 MPs at the 2015 general election and have struggled to recover since.
A return to form in local polls and parliamentary by-elections under Sir Ed’s leadership has given the Lib Dems a renewed sense of magnetism that business interests have taken note of.
Money talks
Conferences can be a lucrative business for political parties.
The party’s accounts show it earned more than £1m in income at its conferences for years from 2010.
But it wasn’t to last, with earnings dwindling along with the party’s number of MPs since the Conservatives won a majority in 2015.
The party hopes the return of an in-person autumn conference this year will replenish its coffers.
A stand in the exhibition hall can be pricey and sponsoring a fringe meeting can be equally so, costing thousands of pounds.
Pablo O’Hana, the director of Apostrophe Campaigns, a PR and marketing agency, estimates his clients have spent about £15,000 to £20,000 on the Lib Dem conference this year.
It’s probably worth it for the exposure, he says.
“There is an increasing prospect the Lib Dems could be kingmakers, maybe in a coalition,” he says.
All of his clients have stalls in the exhibition hall and are sponsoring events, including FareShare, a charity which runs campaigns on hunger and food waste.
“They want to make sure if the Lib Dems get into government, or have any influence over the government, that their asks are included in manifesto,” Mr O’Hanna says.
The Post Office bought space for a stall in the exhibition hall
The private lobbying of ministers has long been the source of political controversy in Westminster. In the Bournemouth International Centre, though, much of the lobbying is on public display in the exhibition hall.
There will be candid discussions behind closed doors too, where alliances are strengthened and ideas firmly planted.
Mr O’Hana says it’s difficult to qualify the benefits gained from lobbying political parties at conferences.
In the past he has wondered: is this really the best use of money?
But if the Lib Dems really do as well as they hope in the next general election, it could all be worthwhile to have the ear of decision-markers at the heart of power.
