Amid costly war with Israel, Hezbollah faces fire from its own supporters

With Hezbollah and Israel locked in another punishing war, disappointment and anger echoes increasingly across Lebanon’s Shiite community, which has borne the brunt of thousands of Israeli airstrikes. Across southern Lebanon, entire villages have been destroyed.

In 2006, in a conflict widely attributed to Hezbollah’s own miscalculation, a Hezbollah supporter who gives the name Hussein lost 16 members of his family in an Israeli airstrike. Yet his personal loss only increased his support for Hezbollah’s “resistance” as a way to achieve revenge.

But fast-forward 18 years, and Hussein, among many traditional Hezbollah supporters, expresses doubts about its decision to launch rocket attacks, for more than a year, against northern Israel in solidarity with Hamas.

“We feel that everything is happening for no reason, for nothing,” says Hussein. “They are saying they have surprises, but we are waiting to see. … We lost our jobs, our work – it’s a disaster.”

Recent more effective Hezbollah strikes have won praise, and include a mid-October drone strike that killed four Israeli soldiers and wounded 67.

“People are seeing this; people are happy,” says Hussein. “But it’s not done; it is taking a long time,” he adds. “The result of this war will be so important to the future of Hezbollah.”

With Hezbollah and Israel locked in another punishing war, disappointment and anger echo increasingly across Lebanon’s Shiite community, which has borne the brunt of thousands of Israeli airstrikes in south and east Lebanon and the southern suburbs of Beirut.

Weeks of an intensely destructive Israeli military campaign, which has included the killing of Hezbollah’s revered leader, Hassan Nasrallah, and much of the Iran-backed Shiite militia’s senior leadership, has displaced 1.3 million Lebanese. Across the south, near the border with Israel, entire villages have been destroyed.

Hezbollah supporters are tired, and far less forgiving of what they perceive to be the organization’s mistakes and battlefield shortcomings.

One such longtime supporter, a 30-something businessman in Beirut who gives the name Hussein, had his loyalty tested before, in the last all-out Israel-Hezbollah war in 2006. Then, an Israeli airstrike in Beirut killed 16 members of his family, including five children.

That destructive conflict was widely seen to have been triggered by Hezbollah’s own miscalculation back then: that a cross-border kidnapping and killing of Israeli soldiers would yield only a limited Israeli response.

And yet, until now, Hussein’s personal loss so many years ago did not detract from his support for Hezbollah. In fact, he says, it increased his backing for Hezbollah and its armed “resistance” against Israel, as a way to achieve revenge.

But fast-forward 18 years, and Hussein, along with many traditional Hezbollah supporters, today expresses doubts about Hezbollah and its decisions. This time the Israeli onslaught was sparked by more than a year of Hezbollah rocket attacks against northern Israel, in solidarity with Hamas in Gaza, its Palestinian ally in the Iran-led “Axis of Resistance.”

Scott Peterson/Getty Images/The Christian Science Monitor

A banner of the late Hezbollah leader, Hassan Nasrallah, killed by Israel in a targeted assassination in late September, is hung above the rubble from a previous Israeli airstrike, in the majority-Shiite village of Maaysra, Lebanon, Oct. 14, 2024.

“They are saying they have surprises, but we are waiting to see,” says Hussein, of Hezbollah’s continued promises of fighting prowess.

“We expected much, much more than what is happening now. Like Sayyed Nasrallah said, one building destroyed in Dahiyeh [Hezbollah’s south Beirut stronghold] will be met with many buildings destroyed in Tel Aviv,” he says. “Unfortunately, until now, no buildings have been destroyed in Tel Aviv, which is surprising and disappointing us.”

Instead, entire apartment blocks have been flattened by Israel in Dahiyeh, as it targets Hezbollah leadership and infrastructure. Hussein’s shop remains intact, despite airstrikes two streets away.

Years of Hezbollah promises

“We feel that everything is happening for no reason, for nothing,” says Hussein, explaining that Hezbollah’s standing nearly alone in solidarity with Hamas was an insufficient argument for war.

Hezbollah “entered this war supporting Hamas, and no one else supported Hamas,” he says. “You have many Arab and Muslim countries. So why no one [else took] any action? And you want to do this.”

Hussein says he is angry that Israel has managed to deliver multiple body blows to Hezbollah – including an exploding pager attack that wounded thousands of fighters, and the assassination of Mr. Nasrallah – while Hezbollah so far has failed to deliver on years of promises that it would always inflict far greater pain on the Jewish state. Indeed, Hezbollah has yet to use many of its most potent weapons – precision-guided missiles – against Israel.

Hezbollah, which is also a well-funded political party that provides services to the Shiite community, still has some popular support. But patience is wearing thin because of intense civilian suffering.

Scott Peterson/Getty Images/The Christian Science Monitor

Lebanese firefighters, first responders, and security forces cope with the aftermath of Israeli airstrikes in a crowded central district of Beirut, Oct. 11, 2024.

“You know, this time we moved several times from house to house, because the places that are targeted are expanding,” says Hussein. “Even in Beirut we were thinking it was safe – it’s not safe anymore.

“We lost our jobs, our work – it’s a disaster. And all the news speaks about [Hezbollah] support. We are not supporting.”

That said, recent more effective Hezbollah strikes have won praise, and include a mid-October drone strike on the dining hall of Israel’s Golani Brigade, which killed four soldiers and wounded 67.

“People are seeing this, people are happy,” says Hussein.

“But it’s not done; it is taking a long time,” he adds. “The result of this war will be so important to the future of Hezbollah.”

Indeed, Hezbollah’s carefully burnished reputation as the most powerful arm of Iran’s “Axis” has been damaged.

For decades it has acted as a state with in a state, the self-declared defender of Lebanese territorial sovereignty – in place of Lebanese state forces too weak to do the job.

“On the path of war”

The organization’s newly named leader, Naim Qassem, vowed in a recorded speech Wednesday that Hezbollah was open to a cease-fire, but otherwise “will remain on the path of war.”

Referring to Hezbollah’s drone attack on Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s coastal home two weeks ago, he said, “Netanyahu survived this time, perhaps his time hasn’t come yet.”

But with the other top 20 or more Hezbollah chiefs and commanders killed in recent weeks, rumors swirled that Mr. Qassem had sought sanctuary in Iran. Israeli defense chief Yoav Gallant posted on the social platform X, “Temporary appointment. Not for long.”

So far, Hezbollah’s pledges are not enough for some former supporters.

“Our kids are on the streets because of you. Our houses are gone because of you,” complains one Shiite resident of Dahiyeh, describing the prevalent mood. “Where are you? Nobody to be found. You know what? We quit. We’re going to find a different way. They are struggling to get water, never mind getting food.

“All this happened in 10 days, I just can’t believe it,” says the resident, who asks not to be named and says he knew many Hezbollah members wounded in the pager attacks. “Never in my wildest dreams did I think this could ever, ever happen to Hezbollah. All the [big] talk, all the cause, all the strength, all the missiles, all the military, all the training, the [elite] Radwan Brigade. … ‘We will go into Galilee.’ None of that.”

Scott Peterson/Getty Images/The Christian Science Monitor

After Israeli airstrikes leveled a house, Lebanese Shiites bury the dead and proclaim allegiance to Hassan Nasrallah, the late Hezbollah leader, in Maaysra, Lebanon, Oct. 14, 2024.

After Hezbollah’s strike on the Israeli dining hall, “People breathed a deep sigh of relief: Hezbollah still exists,” he says, recounting the scene: “One hundred of them watching one TV, with bad reception, staying up until morning. ‘Did they really do that?’ they asked. Another man: ‘Oh, they still have it; they still have it! Let’s give them another week.’ …

“My brother jumped up [from the TV] and said, ‘I told you, they can’t be finished that fast: 40 years of training, 40 years of depositing missiles all over the country, 40 years of education, engineers sent all over the world to learn how to fire missiles, how to train special forces. … They cannot be over in 10 days.’”

“People are tired”

Israel says it has destroyed half of Hezbollah’s missile arsenal and has uncovered elaborate fortified tunnel networks along the border. Hezbollah announces daily rocket attacks against Israeli military formations and communities in northern Israel – and says it is slowing Israel’s ground incursion – but those efforts inflict few casualties.

“Really, the bombing of the last one or two weeks is not enough to satisfy the bloodlust of people, who are waiting to see the reaction after the death of Nasrallah,” says another Shiite from southern Lebanon, who asks not to use his name, because of the sensitivity of criticizing Hezbollah.

“People are still on the streets,” he says. “I was a supporter before. What Hezbollah promised the people [to support them], they should fulfill, because people are tired. They are given a bit of help here and there. But if we [only] eat and drink water, is that what you call life? What kind of living is that?”

He says the party can still restore its reputation, despite the blows from Israel.

“It’s possible. We can see Hezbollah now breathing better, acting better, performing better. They are escalating,” he says. “They should make painful hits to the Israelis. For the people to change their minds – they have to hit real hard. Hit your enemy hard, hurt your enemy hard, make people come home.

“When we see victory, we forget how homeless we are – and we support Hezbollah again,” he says.