The organisation’s control over drug smuggling routes in Lebanon and Syria has allowed it to expand its influence and finance its military operations read more
Lebanon’s Hezbollah leader Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah was killed on September 27 in an Israeli airstrike in southern Beirut. File image/ Reuters
Hassan Nasrallah’s elimination and the Hezbollah leadership’s decapitation have changed the political landscape of West Asia. Now that the snake’s head has been decapitated, who will replace Nasrallah and his top lieutenants will determine if Lebanon will collapse into a civil war. At this time, if the Lebanese army is able to unite with Shia officers and soldiers standing by their compatriots, Lebanon will turn a new page of independence from Iran, its Shia vitriol, and Islamic extremism.
However, Nasrallah was also the head of a narco syndicate. Even though the actual size of Hezbollah’s nacro-empire is difficult to estimate, some experts estimate its annual budget to be in the range of $1 billion. Given the vastness of Hezbollah’s drug activities from Afghanistan to Venezuela and the various businesses it controlled to launder proceeds in Europe, Latin America, and the Middle East, from used car distributorships to restaurants and construction companies, the annual turnover and asset estimation may be much higher.
Nasrallah was famous for his secrecy and compartmentalisation, so law enforcement and intelligence in multiple countries, especially those strategic to the Iran-Hezbollah narco empire, will have to work overtime to gather information to shut down Hezbollah’s operations when it is at its weakest. This will help reduce its sphere of influence and cripple Iran to a point of no return.
The destruction of leadership of the Hezbollah narco-syndicate will not only cause a supply deficit in Europe, the Middle East, and the United States but may also spark competition for Hezbollah’s trade routes and territory.
Apart from the political power vacuum in Lebanon and Syria as well as a crippling effect on Iran’s strategic depth, Hezbollah managed a lot of Iran’s illicit funding. How much Nasrallah’s death affects the funding and supply chain resilience of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) for Iran’s nuclear program and strategic supplies remains to be seen.
Hezbollah has long been accused of being involved in various illicit activities, including drug trafficking, to fund its operations. While Hezbollah has denied these allegations, multiple investigations and reports have linked the organisation to the global drug trade, specifically the trafficking of heroin, Captagon, and other narcotics. This network is believed to have strong ties with criminal organisations in Europe, South America, and the Middle East.
Hezbollah’s involvement in the heroin trade is often traced back to the Bekaa Valley in Lebanon, a region notorious for poppy cultivation and drug production. Hezbollah has been accused of providing protection to drug producers and traffickers in exchange for financial support. While the group may not be directly producing heroin, it allegedly facilitates its transit, profiting from the smuggling routes that pass through Lebanon, Syria, and into Europe. Lebanese heroin is supposed to account for one fifth of heroin sales in the US.
Some reports suggest that Hezbollah intermediaries have been connected with Afghan heroin suppliers, which are connected to the Taliban, creating a pipeline for heroin to flow from Afghanistan, through Hezbollah-controlled regions, into Europe and other destinations. In this scenario, Hezbollah’s role is believed to be primarily logistical, providing the infrastructure for heroin to move along key transit routes.
Captagon, an illegal amphetamine widely abused in the Middle East, has become a major revenue stream for various militant groups, including Hezbollah. The group has been implicated in the production and distribution of Captagon, particularly in Syria, which has emerged as a major hub for the drug under the chaos of civil war.
Hezbollah’s strong military and political presence in Syria, where it has supported the Assad regime, has placed it at the centre of the Captagon trade. Reports from law enforcement agencies in Europe and the Middle East indicate that Hezbollah has been involved in large-scale production and smuggling operations, with Captagon often destined for the Gulf countries and Europe. The drug trade not only funds Hezbollah’s operations but also helps maintain its influence in Syria and the broader region.
Hezbollah has been linked to South American drug cartels, particularly in regions such as the Tri-Border Area (TBA), where Argentina, Brazil, and Paraguay converge. This area has long been a hub for illicit activities, including drug trafficking, money laundering, and the sale of counterfeit goods. Hezbollah is believed to have established deep ties with criminal organisations operating in this region, facilitating drug trafficking networks that move cocaine from South America to markets in Europe and the Middle East and funding its “cocaine jihad”.
Hezbollah’s ties with Venezuela have also been strong, particularly through its relationships with members of the Venezuelan government and military who are involved in drug trafficking. The group acts as an intermediary, helping to move large quantities of cocaine from Venezuela into West Africa and Europe. This is a key route for drug flow into Europe and affects the core business of European organised crime. It is also directly linked to funding for Nicolás Maduro’s government and some of his key allies in Caracas.
In Europe, Hezbollah has been connected to drug trafficking through its network of operatives and sympathizers. European law enforcement agencies have identified cells linked to Hezbollah that are involved in distributing heroin, cocaine, and Captagon. In 2016, a U.S.-led operation known as Project Cassandra accused Hezbollah of running a multi-billion-dollar drug trafficking network, laundering drug money through European car dealerships, and working closely with South American cartels to transport drugs into Europe.
In addition to trafficking, Hezbollah has been involved in money laundering operations linked to drug sales in Europe using the Lebanese diaspora, often by blackmail. These operations involve using legitimate businesses to funnel drug money back to the group’s leaders in Lebanon, further entrenching Hezbollah in global organised crime networks.
The Gulf region, particularly Saudi Arabia, has been a major destination for Captagon and other drugs smuggled through Hezbollah’s networks. Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and other Gulf countries have seized large shipments of Captagon in recent years, many of which were linked to Hezbollah and Syrian networks. The Gulf market provides a lucrative source of income for the group, as Captagon is highly sought after in these regions.
The organisation’s control over drug smuggling routes in Lebanon and Syria has allowed it to expand its influence and finance its military operations, particularly in its fight alongside the Assad regime in Syria.
Hezbollah’s involvement in drug trafficking is largely seen as a pragmatic strategy to secure financing for its operations. Given sanctions by the US and other countries against the terrorist group, the drug trade has become a key alternative source of revenue, allowing Hezbollah to maintain its extensive military and political activities. Apart from Hezbollah’s formal political and military role in its terrorist activities against Israel and its assistance of Iran’s government in its overseas operations, such as the formation of the Qassem Solimani brigades, how will Hezbollah’s narco-empire be affected by the elimination of its leadership and what implications this will have on security, arms and the drug trade have to be watched.
The author is a writer, who has worked closely and continues to advise various governments in Europe, Middle East and Africa. He is the founder of the Dialogue on Democracy. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost’s views.